بجب انشاء كليات جديده لجامعة الأ زهر في مصر

 بجب انشاء كليات جديده لجامعة الأ زهر في مصر كليه للفنون الاسلاميه و كليه لعلم الاجتماع الاسلامى لمراعة العصر 

المرأه المسلمه من حقها ان تكون مرتله للقرأان

المرأه المسلمه من حقها ان تكون مرتله للقرأان مثل الرجل تماما وسيبوه حكاية صوت المرأه عوره.

سيطرة الدوله على المساجد و الجوامع فى مصر غير مقبوله

المشكله ان المسلمين فى مصر خرس ولا احد مطلقا ينادى او يطالب بعدم سيطرة الدوله على الجوامع٠ الكنيسه الارذودكسيه لها تامة الحريه و لا تاخذ اى تعليمات من الدوله

الاحكام الشرعيه فى الميراث

الاحكام الشرعيه فى الميراث يجب ان تتطور مع العصر

الذكر حظ الانثتين لا تصلح الأن المجتمع تغير

كل جامع حديث فى مصر لازم يكون فيه شيخه

كل جامع حديث فى مصر لازم يكون فيه شيخه لتقديم النصح والارشاد للسيدات

تطوير بعض احكام الشريعه فى مصر لموافقة العصر

تطبيق شريعة الله عباره رنانه لكن خاويه لانها لا تتحدث عن تطوير بعض احكام الشريعه فى مصر لموافقة العصر

يجب رفع ولاية وزارة الاوقاف عن الجوامع

يجب رفع ولاية وزارة الاوقاف عن الجوامع٠ فتحو عينيكو يامسلمين٠ 

كروت رمضان

لا لا لا لا لا لا للخائن محمد مختار جمعه

أؤكد على شرعية الدولة الوطنية وحرمة المساس بكيانها

وأن الولاية على المساجد ولاية عامة من شئون الدولة

التي لا تترك للجماعات أو الجمعيات.

لا لا لا لا لا لا  للخائن محمد مختار جمعه

انا المسلم الوحيد فى العالم الذى ينادى بهيكلة الاسلام فى الدول الاسلاميه

انا المسلم الوحيد فى العالم فى مئات السنين ولا زلت الوحيد الذى ينادى بهيكلة الاسلام فى الدول الاسلاميه بدون خلق كهنوت٠

انا المسلم الوحيد فى العالم الذى ينادى بهيكلة الاسلام فى الدول الاسلاميه

انا المسلم الوحيد فى العالم فى مئات السنين ولا زلت  الوحيد الذى ينادى بهيكلة الاسلام فى الدول الاسلاميه  بدون خلق كهنوت

   

معتز مطر وتحليل ناري لتصاعد كارثة تفكيك وغلق المساجد الاثرية

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b9CThwZR9yY

يجب قطع يد السارق فى حالة السطو بالسلاح

يجب قطع يد السارق فى حالة السطو بالسلاح او السكاكين أوالايذاء الجسدى الوحشى وكذلك بالاضافه الى عقوبة السجن - حد من حدود الاسلام المعطل -

بالأرقام.. تعرف على عدد المساجد والزوايا وأماكن تواجدها بالجمهورية

أظهرت بيانات إحصائية، أن إجمالى عدد المساجد والزوايا الموجود بمصر بنهاية عام 2016-2017، بلغ 132 ألفا و809 مساجد وزاوية، منها 102 ألف و186 مسجدا، و30 ألفا و623 زاوية.

وبحسب البيانات الصادرة عن جهاز الإحصاء، تأتى محافظة الشرقية فى المركز الأول من حيث ارتفاع عدد المساجد والزوايا بها، إذ يوجد بالشرقية 15 ألفا و748 مسجدا وزاوية بنسبة 11.9% من إجمالى عدد المساجد والزوايا بالجمهورية.

يليها فى المركز الثانى، محافظة البحيرة بـ12 ألفا و45 مسجدا وزاوية بنسبة 9.1% من جملة المساجد والزوايا بالدولة، وفى المقابل جاءت أقل المحافظات فى عدد المساجد والزوايا بها، متمثلة فى محافظة بوسعيد، والتى لا يوجد بها سوى 423 مسجدا وزاوية فقط.

أما العاصمة، محافظة القاهرة، فيوجد بها 6 آلاف و327 مسجدا وزاوية، منها 3100 مسجد، وتشكل مساجد وزاويا "القاهرة" نسبة 4.8% من جملة المساجد والزوايا بالجمهورية.

ويوضح الجدول التالى عدد المساجد والزوايا فى كل محافظة من محافظات الجمهورية طبقا لبيانات عام 2016/ 2017 الصادرة عن جهاز الإحصاء.

معركة المسلمين ضد المستبد السيسى هو تحرير المساجد

معركة المسلمين ضد المستبد السيسى هو تحرير المساجد من هيمنة الدوله ووزارة الاوقاف وسيطرتهم على شؤون الجوامع وبالتحديد خطبة الجمعه الموحده التى تهدف الى تمييع الاسلام واقتلاعه من جذوره

الدكتور مختار جمعه وزير اوقاف مصر احقر انسان

وزير الأوقاف من الكاتدرائية: نحن مسلمون ومسيحيون ندعم السيسي وسنعبر معه للأفضل

قال الدكتور محمد مختار جمعة، وزير الأوقاف، إنه حضر للكاتدرائية اليوم، الأحد، مع شيخ الأزهر فى مناسبة وطنية خالصة لتهنئة البابا تواضروس بعيد القسامة المجيد.

وأضاف مختار جمعة، فى تصريحات صحفية عقب انتهاء زيارته للبابا تواضروس، أن الزيارة مثلت لُحمة وطنية حقيقية تؤمن العيشة المشتركة وحق الإنسان كإنسان، كما مثل تجسيدا للروح الوطنية الفريدة التى تعيشها مصر الوطن بحقوق وواجبات متكافئة.

وهنأ وزير الأوقاف الرئيس عيد الفتاح السيسى، الذى فاز بفترة ثانية لرئاسة الجمهورية، قائلا: "ندعم الرئيس السيسي مسلمون ومسيحيون وسنعبر معه جميعا بكل أفراد الوطن إلى مستقبل أفضل".

الدكتور مختار جمعه وزير اوقاف مصر احقر انسان 

وزارات الاوقاف فى العالم العربى اصبحو نكبه على الاسلا

1. وزارات الاوقاف فى العالم العربى اصبحو نكبه على الاسلام و معول لتحطيمه٠ يجب الغاءهم٠

 

Sayed Qotb Islamic Views

Qotb and citizenship

Al-Ahram Weekly

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Sayed Qotb represents an extension of the thought of Hassan El-Banna. Both are from a similar branch of knowledge shaped by the teachings and implications of the divine revelation, and both belong to the same political framework: the Muslim Brotherhood organisation.

However, they differ in many aspects at the theoretical level and in their practices. El-Banna remained a preacher, spiritual guide and advocate of the universality of Islam. Qotb was a theorist and ideologue. He addressed the intellect in the modes of deductive logic, dialectics, and comparative analysis.

He had fluctuating relations with most political forces in Egypt in the period that followed the 1952 Revolution. The relationships began on good terms but then soured when he felt that he was unable to influence the new policies and ideological outlooks. This development eventually triggered transformations in his political thinking and behaviour, leading him to shift from social revolutionary political Islam to radical confrontational Islamism.

Sayed Qotb’s fundamentalism stemmed from a desperate need for the Salafi manhaj (methodology in matters of creed, behaviour, ways of life, etc). The manhaj is the foundation of the life of the Muslim nation. It has two cornerstones: belief in God and his Prophet and living in accordance with the Sunna (path) of the Prophet Mohammed.

It proceeds from the declaration of faith: “There is no god but God, and Mohamed is the Prophet of God.” Islam is not a “theory” that deals with abstract “hypotheses”. It is a manhaj (methodology) that deals with actual “reality”. It presumes that the Muslim community must, first, declare the creed: “There is no god but God and sovereignty belongs to God alone.” With this brief statement, Sayed Qotb expresses his vision of society as based on the concept of hakimiya (divine sovereignty).

Qotb’s attitude toward the political regime and contemporary society proceeds from this concept. He holds that society must be radically changed so that the rule of God can prevail. In Maalim fi Al-Tariq (Milestones), he writes: “No one can say of a law promulgated by God that ‘this is God’s law’ unless the rule of God is declared to prevail and unless the source of the authorities is God almighty, not ‘the people’, or ‘the political party’ or any human being.”

 Qotb saw the political systems that existed in his time as remnants of the “crusader” invasion of Muslim countries in the 19th century, and as regimes belonging to the pre-Islamic jahiliya, or age of ignorance, because they did not establish the sovereignty of God. In fact, he held that these regimes attacked the divine authority by claiming sovereignty for themselves, in accordance with which they could sanction or prohibit whatever they pleased.

Qotb was calculated in his choice of terminology. He sought a means to deny authority to all but his own organisation, the Muslim Brotherhood, in a way that would find popular acceptance. Hakimiya, the term that stripped human beings of their own free and independent will, was guaranteed to resonate profoundly in a culture steeped in the beliefs and structures of Islamic civilisation.

Clearly, Qotb openly opposed all forms of modern democracy. But in attributing it to kind of contemporary jahiliya, he had hit upon a means to reject all other contemporary systems: socialism and its opposite, democracy and dictatorship. Moreover, it was a blanket rejection. The attribute jahili damned an entire political system or philosophy from its roots, regardless of its various branches, leaves and fruits.

In Qotb’s opinion, democracy did not work to unify society but rather laid the foundations for ideological differences. As he sought to unify society and the state in the framework of a theocratic ideology, he naturally rejected the notion of democratic plurality and political parties, the Wafd Party in particular.

In an article published by Rosa Al-Youssef magazine on 29 September 1952, he proclaimed: “These parties are unable to survive.” He appealed to youth to stay away from what he termed “the rusty cogs in the corrupt social apparatus.”

If some hold that Sayed Qotb, in Milestones, reached a peak of reactionary conservatism because of his sweeping condemnation of our society as jahili, they only describe half the picture. Not only was Qotb an ultra-reactionary, he was also an ultra-radical to which testify the pains he took to illustrate how to draw up the Islamist militant pamphlet.

In a work bearing the title “There is no god but God” he explains the need to divorce oneself from contemporary society with all its institutions, values and symbols. Accordingly, he describes the basic mission of the Brotherhood: “Our first mission is to change the reality of this society. Our mission: change this jahili reality from its foundations. This reality conflicts fundamentally with the Islamic methodology (manhaj) and with the Islamic concept.” Force is the means to implement change, according to this thinker and his disciples.

In Toward an Islamic Society, Qotb devotes a chapter to his perception of the nature of that society, with the purpose of proclaiming uniqueness and superiority over other faiths and sects. According to his views, the “people of the book” (Jews and Christians) are not entitled to political rights but solely to some civil rights that are largely restricted to personal status matters and other affairs particular to the religious community.

He also cautions Muslims against supporting these minorities, or even feeling a sense of having a common bond. He thus puts paid to any notion of citizenship in that society. Qotb sums up the nature of that society as follows: “It is a religious, godly society with a hereditary caliphate and surpasses all other societies.”

He is so confident of his beliefs that he predicts that this Islamic society is ultimately destined to bring peace and justice to the entire world. According to this view, there is no room in Qotb’s outlook for modern civil society. The society that Qotb envisions is a preordained culmination of human evolution. It follows that this is a society that insists on conformity and has no room for the culture of the acceptance of difference.

It is a view that, in fact, conflicts with Quranic strictures that sanction and uphold diversity, such as, “If God had so willed he would have made you a single nation” (Shura: 8) and, “They are still different” (Hud: 118).

Qotb’s views on the state are not inconsistent with his general philosophy and ideological approach. However, he does not dedicate a particular study to the concept of the state. Rather his conception of it unfolds in the course of his writings on the nature and features of government in Islam.

He writes: “The state in Islam is but the natural product of the group and its particular properties … and the group comprises the state and advances it toward the realisation of the Islamic methodology (manhaj) and its hegemony over individual and collective life.”

There is a specious logic at work here, an obfuscation of boundaries between different terms and concepts. It is axiomatic in political science that the state is larger than the group or community and, conversely, that the group or community are part of the whole (the state).

But here, Qotb is evidently identifying the state with the particular group striving to attain a certain end, namely the application of Islam and the imposition of the rule of the creed and the group’s perception of it over all matters of life. The concept is inherently at odds with the modern constitutional and legal concept of the state with its composite facets of government, territory, citizenry and sovereignty.

Qotb attests that theocracy — rule by clergymen — is not an acceptable form of government in Islam, as Islam does not confer on a group of people the right to represent the divine self. This flagrantly conflicts with his aforementioned views on Islamic society and the hereditary caliphate that governs it, views that confirm that the Qotbist ideal is based on theocratic rule.

As for the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, Qotb writes in his book, World Peace and Islam: “The system of government in Islam establishes the relationships between the governor and his subjects on the basis of peace, justice and tranquillity and on which foundation there can arise the sound and unshakable structure of social peace.”

One is struck by his choice of terminology and its connotations. The Arabic term rai literally means “shepherd” and raiya literally means “the flock of sheep being herded.” It is not difficult to understand how heresy is conceived in this framework. The heretic is clearly the person (or sheep) who turns to another human authority other than the authority (shepherd) who claims to be applying divine law.

In sum, Qotbist thought is quintessentially discriminatory on the basis of religious affiliation and does not recognise political plurality. It clearly blends politics, as a theory of government or mode for organising public affairs, with Sharia, as a legal code governing moral behaviour.

He also fails to differentiate between the general principles in Sharia (the constitution) and laws that require the application of complex and systematised legislative rules within the constitutional framework.

In general, Qotbist thought its riddled with theoretical problems at both the strategic and tactical levels of its application. Of particular concern is the absence of any concept of public authority, for according to his concept of hakimiya (divine sovereignty), on the basis of which he condemned the state, the regime and society as heretical, his notion of authority converges with a society whose individual members are stripped of all free and independent will and, thus, has the power to impose a comprehensive system that ordains every aspect of their lives.

It follows that the group imposing that system, in this totalitarian vision, has the right to use systematic violence in order to force society to bow to its will.

يجب على المسلمين مضاعفة النسل فى مصر

يجب على المسلمين مضاعفة النسل فى مصر والله الرزاق بعد المذابح الدمويه الرهييبه والحبس والاعتقال لعشرات الالاف من اهل الاسلام فى ارض الكنانه بواسطة القسيس المسيحى السيسى الاعور الخنزاؤر.